Conceptual foundations
In the next part the authors introduce several new concepts. Some of them are now
widely used. We will briefly report their definitions. A social movement (SM) is
defined as “a set of opinions and beliefs in a population which represents preferences
for changing some elements of the social structure and/or reward distribution
of a society” (1217–1218). The authors mean not just any preferences but “mobilized
or activated (effective) demand (preferences) for change in society” (Zald and
McCarthy 2002: 148). A “counter movement is a set of opinions and beliefs in a
population opposed to a social movement” (1218).
What is normally called a “social movement” is denoted as a “social movement
organization” (SMO). This is “a complex, or formal, organization which identifies
its goals with the preferences of a social movement or counter movement and
attempts to implement these goals” (1218). A “social movement industry” (SMI)
consists of all SMOs “that have as their goal the attainment of the broadest preferences
of a social movement” (1219). A still more comprehensive group is the
“social movement sector” (SMS) which “consists of all SMIs in a society no matter
to which SM they are attached” (1220).
Next the authors distinguish between types of individuals or groups based on
their relationship to SMs or SMOs. “Adherents” are individuals or groups who
accept the goals of a movement, whereas “constituents” are those individuals or
groups who provide resources for the SMO. “Bystander publics” are “non-adherents
who are not opponents of the SM and its SMOs but who merely witness social
movement activity” (1221). The term “opponents” is not explicitly defined, but
apparently refers to individuals or groups who do not accept the goals of a SMO and
probably do not contribute resources either.
The resource mobilization perspective
Three other concepts are defined: “potential beneficiaries” are those “who
would benefit directly from SMO goal accomplishment” (1221); “conscience
adherents are individuals and groups who are part of the respective appropriate SM
but do not stand to benefit directly from SMO goal accomplishment” (1222).
“Conscience constituents are direct supporters of a SMO who do not stand to benefit
directly from its success in goal accomplishment” (1222).
The “illustrative hypotheses” as a causal model
The next part of the paper consists of eleven explicitly stated hypotheses, i.e. it is
clearly stated what the dependent and independent variables are. The authors discuss
each hypothesis in detail, but they do not address the relationships between the
hypotheses. One question is whether the hypotheses have dependent or independent
variables in common. If this is the case, the hypotheses form a complex causal
model. Thus, it is not clear what exactly the structure of the variables of the
hypotheses is. We clarify this structure by depicting the hypotheses as a causal diagram
(see Figure 5.2). The reader may for the time being ignore the two boxes and
the dashed arrows.
Conceptual foundations
In the next part the authors introduce several new concepts. Some of them are now
widely used. We will briefly report their definitions. A social movement (SM) is
defined as “a set of opinions and beliefs in a population which represents preferences
for changing some elements of the social structure and/or reward distribution
of a society” (1217–1218). The authors mean not just any preferences but “mobilized
or activated (effective) demand (preferences) for change in society” (Zald and
McCarthy 2002: 148). A “counter movement is a set of opinions and beliefs in a
population opposed to a social movement” (1218).
What is normally called a “social movement” is denoted as a “social movement
organization” (SMO). This is “a complex, or formal, organization which identifies
its goals with the preferences of a social movement or counter movement and
attempts to implement these goals” (1218). A “social movement industry” (SMI)
consists of all SMOs “that have as their goal the attainment of the broadest preferences
of a social movement” (1219). A still more comprehensive group is the
“social movement sector” (SMS) which “consists of all SMIs in a society no matter
to which SM they are attached” (1220).
Next the authors distinguish between types of individuals or groups based on
their relationship to SMs or SMOs. “Adherents” are individuals or groups who
accept the goals of a movement, whereas “constituents” are those individuals or
groups who provide resources for the SMO. “Bystander publics” are “non-adherents
who are not opponents of the SM and its SMOs but who merely witness social
movement activity” (1221). The term “opponents” is not explicitly defined, but
apparently refers to individuals or groups who do not accept the goals of a SMO and
probably do not contribute resources either.
The resource mobilization perspective
Three other concepts are defined: “potential beneficiaries” are those “who
would benefit directly from SMO goal accomplishment” (1221); “conscience
adherents are individuals and groups who are part of the respective appropriate SM
but do not stand to benefit directly from SMO goal accomplishment” (1222).
“Conscience constituents are direct supporters of a SMO who do not stand to benefit
directly from its success in goal accomplishment” (1222).
The “illustrative hypotheses” as a causal model
The next part of the paper consists of eleven explicitly stated hypotheses, i.e. it is
clearly stated what the dependent and independent variables are. The authors discuss
each hypothesis in detail, but they do not address the relationships between the
hypotheses. One question is whether the hypotheses have dependent or independent
variables in common. If this is the case, the hypotheses form a complex causal
model. Thus, it is not clear what exactly the structure of the variables of the
hypotheses is. We clarify this structure by depicting the hypotheses as a causal diagram
(see Figure 5.2). The reader may for the time being ignore the two boxes and
the dashed arrows.
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