These findings run counter to the argument offered by Baumgartner et al. (2008) that linked recent reductions in support for the capital punishment with the media using the innocence issue to frame much recent coverage of the death penalty. This may be a result of the cross-sectional nature of the current study not allowing for the capture of changes over time, or there could be alternative variables (e.g., social media measures or sociodemographic variables) that explain these changes. The findings of this study are consistent with past research in noting that attitudes toward capital punishment are complex, and vary depending on both how media consumption and support for capital punishment are measured. General support measures a global attitude that likely does not involve complex thinking to provide a response, whereas support with the LWOP option requires the respondent to think about capital punishment in a more nuanced way. Another way to think about this is the difference between supporting the death penalty in principle compared to supporting the death penalty in practice. The dramatic differences between significant control variables in these two models is also indicative of very different processes going on when deciding support for the death penalty in these two circumstances.
These findings further support the Marshall hypothesis that support for the death penalty is dependent upon the general public’s knowledge, and the availability of information, regarding both the administration of the death penalty and available alternatives. In fact, Bowers et al. (1994) and Sandys and McGarrell (1994) found that the number of people who supported the death penalty decreased when they were presented with the option of LWOP. Overall, studies suggest that death penalty attitudes are highly value expressive and the wording of death penalty questions can change the magnitude of death penalty support dramatically.
While the findings do not completely support Sotirovic (2001) hypothesis that simple media content, or content with a consistent message, is more likely to drive affective decision making, whereas complex media content is more likely to inform cognitive processes that involves weighing multiple perspectives to make a decision, there was some support. Although television crime news was historically seen as presenting balanced perspectives on issues, many now see television news as becoming more simplistic and mirroring infotainment programs that attempt to capture news audiences by presenting factual information about specific cases in very stylized ways (Gamson, 1994; Surrette, 2010).Surrette (2010) finds that television programming overemphasizes crimes of violence and offers stereotypical portrayals of offenders. For example, on television, less common crimes of murder and robbery overshadow more common property crimes. According to Surrette (2010), offenders are portrayed as psychopaths who prey on the weak, helpless, and vulnerable, or as shrewd, ruthless, and violent businessmen or professionals. Other scholars agree that the media often presents offenders as evil and the criminal justice system as an effective and moral authority (Eschholz et al., 2003). Similarly, crime dramas emphasize that while the worldmay be a complex and confusing place, punitiveness is the simple and straightforward answer. Newspapers and Internet consumption (depending on the specific choice of sources) would theoretically offer a more balanced perspective and allow consumers to sift through information and activate more cognitive thought processes about the issues. These patterns were consistent with the findings that viewing television news, crime dramas, and police-reality programs were all consistently related to general support for the death penalty, while newspaper and Internet consumption were not. The positive relationship between talk and news radio consumption and general support for the death penalty was somewhat unexpected, but a closer look at a report in Talkers.com(2012) on The Top Talk Radio Audiences provides some clarification. Nine of the top 12 talk radio audiences were for conservative talk radio programs (i.e., Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck), which tend to present arguments supportive of punitive policies, including the death penalty.6 It should also be noted that news programs on public radio (not ranked on the Talk Radio list) are also quite popular and most likely offer more diverse perspectives on capital punishment. Future research should make sure to differentiate between the different types of talk/news radio that the respondent is consuming. Additionally, more content analysis studies of popular media content that focus on coverage of the death penalty are needed to assess current media messages about the death penalty. The lack of media effects for the LWOP model, with the exception of TV news, was also generally consistent with Sotirovic’s (2001) argument that media content would be less important for complex decision making. Similarly, the lack of effects for newspaper, radio, and Internet (arguably more complex media forms) may be a result of audiences weeding through various perspectives and arguments, combined with their own experience to reach a practice preference on using the death penalty when LWOP is an option.
เหล่านี้นับพบรันกับอาร์กิวเมนต์ที่เสนอโดย Baumgartner et al. (2008) ที่เชื่อมโยงลดล่าสุดในการสนับสนุนโทษประหารชีวิตกับสื่อที่ใช้ปัญหาความบริสุทธิ์เพื่อกรอบความครอบคลุมมากล่าสุดของโทษประหารชีวิต นี้อาจเกิดจากของเหลวธรรมชาติของการศึกษาปัจจุบันที่ไม่สามารถจับภาพของการเปลี่ยนแปลงเวลา หรืออาจมีทางเลือกตัวแปร (เช่น มาตรการสังคมหรือตัวแปร sociodemographic) ที่อธิบายการเปลี่ยนแปลงเหล่านี้ ผลการวิจัยของการศึกษานี้จะสอดคล้องกับวิจัยสังเกตว่า ทัศนคติต่อโทษประหารชีวิตซับซ้อน และแตกต่างทั้งที่ผ่านมาวิธีวัดปริมาณการใช้สื่อและสนับสนุนโทษประหารชีวิต สนับสนุนทั่วไปวัดทัศนคติระดับโลกที่อาจไม่เกี่ยวข้องกับซับซ้อนคิดให้การตอบสนอง ในขณะที่สนับสนุนกับตัว LWOP ต้องตอบคิดถึงโทษประหารชีวิตในทางขึ้นฉับ อีกวิธีคิดคือ ความแตกต่างระหว่างสนับสนุนโทษประหารชีวิตในหลักการสนับสนุนโทษประหารชีวิตในทางปฏิบัติ ละครความแตกต่างระหว่างตัวแปรการควบคุมอย่างมีนัยสำคัญในรุ่นสองเหล่านี้ยังเป็นตัวชี้ให้เห็นกระบวนการที่เกิดขึ้นในการตัดสินใจสนับสนุนโทษประหารชีวิตในกรณีเหล่านี้แตกต่างกันมากเหล่านี้สนับสนุนการค้นพบทฤษฏีมาร์แชลล์ที่สนับสนุนโทษประหารชีวิตจะขึ้นอยู่กับความรู้ของประชาชนทั่วไป และความพร้อมของข้อมูล ฝ่ายบริหารทั้งของโทษประหารชีวิตและมีทางเลือก ในความเป็นจริง Bowers et al. (1994) และซุป และ McGarrell (1994) พบว่า จำนวนผู้ที่ได้รับการสนับสนุนโทษประหารชีวิตลดลงเมื่อพวกเขาได้นำเสนอตัวของ LWOP โดยรวม การศึกษาแนะนำว่า ประหารทัศนคติสูงค่าที่แสดงออก และใช้คำถามโทษประหารสามารถเปลี่ยนขนาดของสนับสนุนโทษประหารชีวิตอย่างมากWhile the findings do not completely support Sotirovic (2001) hypothesis that simple media content, or content with a consistent message, is more likely to drive affective decision making, whereas complex media content is more likely to inform cognitive processes that involves weighing multiple perspectives to make a decision, there was some support. Although television crime news was historically seen as presenting balanced perspectives on issues, many now see television news as becoming more simplistic and mirroring infotainment programs that attempt to capture news audiences by presenting factual information about specific cases in very stylized ways (Gamson, 1994; Surrette, 2010).Surrette (2010) finds that television programming overemphasizes crimes of violence and offers stereotypical portrayals of offenders. For example, on television, less common crimes of murder and robbery overshadow more common property crimes. According to Surrette (2010), offenders are portrayed as psychopaths who prey on the weak, helpless, and vulnerable, or as shrewd, ruthless, and violent businessmen or professionals. Other scholars agree that the media often presents offenders as evil and the criminal justice system as an effective and moral authority (Eschholz et al., 2003). Similarly, crime dramas emphasize that while the worldmay be a complex and confusing place, punitiveness is the simple and straightforward answer. Newspapers and Internet consumption (depending on the specific choice of sources) would theoretically offer a more balanced perspective and allow consumers to sift through information and activate more cognitive thought processes about the issues. These patterns were consistent with the findings that viewing television news, crime dramas, and police-reality programs were all consistently related to general support for the death penalty, while newspaper and Internet consumption were not. The positive relationship between talk and news radio consumption and general support for the death penalty was somewhat unexpected, but a closer look at a report in Talkers.com(2012) on The Top Talk Radio Audiences provides some clarification. Nine of the top 12 talk radio audiences were for conservative talk radio programs (i.e., Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck), which tend to present arguments supportive of punitive policies, including the death penalty.6 It should also be noted that news programs on public radio (not ranked on the Talk Radio list) are also quite popular and most likely offer more diverse perspectives on capital punishment. Future research should make sure to differentiate between the different types of talk/news radio that the respondent is consuming. Additionally, more content analysis studies of popular media content that focus on coverage of the death penalty are needed to assess current media messages about the death penalty. The lack of media effects for the LWOP model, with the exception of TV news, was also generally consistent with Sotirovic’s (2001) argument that media content would be less important for complex decision making. Similarly, the lack of effects for newspaper, radio, and Internet (arguably more complex media forms) may be a result of audiences weeding through various perspectives and arguments, combined with their own experience to reach a practice preference on using the death penalty when LWOP is an option.
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