However, all of this began to change again in the early 2000s. Mass protests erupted against the IFIs, symbolized by the “battle of Seattle” around meetings of the World Trade Organization in 1999. Washington Consensus policies were widely castigated as causing economic decline in Latin America. This perception forced a reconsideration of neoliberal development policies (Born, Feher, Feinstein, and Peet 2003), even within the World Bank and the IMF. One account of these reappraisals was provided by Dani Rodrik of Harvard University. Of Turkish origin, Rodrik occupies a strategic position at the liberal and critical end of the conventional policy spectrum. Rodrik (2006) asserts that the Washington Consensus policies, codified by Williamson, inspired a wave of reforms in Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa that fundamentally transformed the policy landscape in these developing areas. With the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union, former socialist countries similarly made a “bold leap” toward free markets. Indeed, such was the enthusiasm for reform that Williamson’s original list came to look tame and innocuous by comparison with what actually happened, as countries scrambled to make themselves look “more competitive” than their neighbors. The reform agenda eventually came to be perceived, at least by its critics, as an overtly ideological effort to impose “neoliberalism” and “market fundamentalism” on developing nations. Yet, one thing is generally agreed upon about the consequences of these reforms, namely, that things have not quite worked out the way that was intended. Indeed, notes Rodrik, it is fair to say that nobody really believes in the Washington Consensus anymore. The question now is not whether the Washington Consensus is dead or alive, but rather: What will replace it? Practitioners of the Washington Consensus have come to think that the standard policy reforms did not produce lasting effects wherever the background institutional conditions were poor. The upshot is that the original Washington Consensus has been augmented by so-called second- generation reforms that are highly institutional in nature. One possible version of these reforms, as summarized by Rodrik, is shown in Table 3.1.