Many harp at the feminization of migration, being one of the most striking features of the
Philippines’ migration profile. Filipinas (including educated ones) deskill themselves into
domestic work, care-giving, and even entertainment-related jobs. In addition, family roles and
responsibilities are altered – and the contribution of women to development hampered.
Overseas, Filipinas endure the negative tags fostered unto them – as “lowly” maids in Hong
Kong and Singapore, as “prostitutes” in Japan. Then we continually see the state “facilitating”
the employment of these women workers to such professions, even if some civil society groups
have called for the stoppage, for example, of deploying Filipinas as overseas performing artists
(OPAs) in Japan. On the part of the state, even with pictures showing nightclubs being named
after Filipinas and styled from the Philippine flag, some officials retort that there is nothing wrong
if Filipinas are seated beside Japanese men inside these bars. Now the pursuit of being an
entertainer (locally called Japayuki) has proven to be a legitimate profession – with many
women undergoing training in dancing and singing, and government even lowering the minimum
age requirement for OPAs.
But as a consolation, transnationalism brings possibilities (including developmental possibilities)
for migrants to reconnect themselves with the homeland. In some cases, Filipino cultural
traditions are done in the receiving countries (e.g. Independence Day celebrations, folk dance
events, Catholicism and fervent prayer inside Catholic churches) – and these are even
springboards for these Filipinos to extend whatever assistance they can provide to those in the
homeland. Diaspora philanthropy efforts positively promote the values of hope, industry and
civic duty (Nicolas-Lewis, 2003), especially in a transnational setting. Diaspora philanthropy has
also become a mechanism for Filipinos to revive traditions and continually establish links in the
homeland (Opiniano, 2002).