In terms of research implications, this article only highlights
some of the mechanisms whereby new ideas about politically
informed development assistance become institutionalized.
We have chosen to focus empirically on programing requirements,
management practices, and professional cultures; analytically,
we have focused on two leaders, one bilateral and one
multilateral. This is just the beginning of an incipient academic
investigation into a field dominated by donor and consultant
reports, and as such there is a wealth of options for potential
replicability and expansion of the research agenda. Methodologically,
one can change the level of analysis to specific
country portfolios or even individual projects (our own ongoing
work points in that direction); one can also alter the selection
to compare outcome variation at different steps of the
diffusion chain: for instance, why PEA proponents have been
more successful in northern European bilaterals than southern
European ones, or why are regional development banks less
likely to engage in political-economy analysis than the World
Bank. Analytically, one could supplement our focus on ideas
and administrative change with network analyses of PEA diffusion
across aid organizations; another rich vein of research
could emerge from the systematic study of PEA’s policy viability,
establishing the mean effects of different approaches, organizational
structures, and political environments across a
middle or large number of cases. The time is ripe for taking
donor political analysis out of the gray literature and into
greater analytical rigor.
In terms of research implications, this article only highlightssome of the mechanisms whereby new ideas about politicallyinformed development assistance become institutionalized.We have chosen to focus empirically on programing requirements,management practices, and professional cultures; analytically,we have focused on two leaders, one bilateral and onemultilateral. This is just the beginning of an incipient academicinvestigation into a field dominated by donor and consultantreports, and as such there is a wealth of options for potentialreplicability and expansion of the research agenda. Methodologically,one can change the level of analysis to specificcountry portfolios or even individual projects (our own ongoingwork points in that direction); one can also alter the selectionto compare outcome variation at different steps of thediffusion chain: for instance, why PEA proponents have beenmore successful in northern European bilaterals than southernEuropean ones, or why are regional development banks lesslikely to engage in political-economy analysis than the WorldBank. Analytically, one could supplement our focus on ideasand administrative change with network analyses of PEA diffusionacross aid organizations; another rich vein of researchcould emerge from the systematic study of PEA’s policy viability,establishing the mean effects of different approaches, organizationalstructures, and political environments across amiddle or large number of cases. The time is ripe for takingdonor political analysis out of the gray literature and intogreater analytical rigor.
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