Trait Theory
Perhaps the oldest and, over the years, the most popular theory of leadership has
to do with the belief that leaders are born, not made—that is, that they are ge-
netically determined. The words “she is a natural leader" convey the sense that a
particular individual’s rise to power and glory is inevitable and that no amount of
education and training will enable “nonleaders” to experience such a rise. Thus
trait theory views leadership as part of one‘s personality, a characteristic that dif-
ferentiates those who have it from the pack. As might be expected, this view is
controversial, given the evidence that training can be beneficial in developing
leaders.
Leadership became a prime subject of social science research at about the time
of World War I. With our increased knowledge of testing and new statistical tools,
there was a strong impetus to accumulate data and determine what traits leaders
shared If these could be identified, perhaps those who exhibit them could also
be identified, and leaders could be selected quickly and efficiently. The usual
procedure in studies on leadership has been to select certain personality attributes
and relate them to success or lack of success in certain leaders
Implicit in much of the research on personality traits and leadership is the belief
that the qualitative components that make for effective leadership are consistent.
in other words, you have it or you don't. The leader might have been born with
these traits (one theory) or might have acquired them (another theory), but in
em” C359 the Person possesses the traits of leadership. The only problem, it
would seem, is that personality traits are still poorly conceived and unreliably
measured It is thought that as we refine our methods of measuring personality
traits, we will be able to determine what traits we need to find or teach. In this
theory. the ability to create leadership effectiveness is just around the corner.
Results of this approach, however, have been disappointing. The sorting out of
leaders with various leadership uaits from those without them has been notoriously
ineffective. One early study (Bird, 1940) extensively reviewed the relevant research
and compiled a list of traits that seemed to differentiate leaders from nonleaders
in one or more studies. However, only five percent of the traits listed appeared
in four or more studies; many of the other traits listed appeared in only a single
study. Mann (1959) reviewed 125 leadership studies searching for a relationship
between personality and performance in small groups. His search yielded 750
findings about personality traits, but no traits as conclusions. He found a lack of
consistency among traits described as significant for leaders and, further, found
that some traits listed as significant were diametrically opposed to significant traits
listed in other studies. Researchers continue to search for the behavioral scientists’
(if not the alchemisrs') gold, and with similar results. In studying discussion leaders,
Outer (1978) found no statistically significant relationships among traits of dis-
cussion leaders, student evaluations of them, and the grades received by students
of discussion leaders. His conclusion: “Attention to personality traits . . . would
have been of limited value in the selection of discussion leaders" (p. 697).
There is some evidence that leaders tend to be a bit taller, more intelligent, and
more enthusiastic and to have greater self-confidence and social participation than
nonleaders (Berleson and Steiner, 1964; Smith and Cook, 1973; Sorrentino, 1973;
Zigon and Cannon, 1974). However, it is impossible to predict and to use this
information in selecting and training leaders. For example, it has been repeatedly
demonstrated that the person who does most of the talking (greater social partic-
ipation) becomes the leader, unlas he or she talks so much that he or she antag-
onizes other group members (Sung, 1973). An intelligent student may be a leader,
unless he or she gets all A‘s and is viewed as a “curve wrecker” (scores so high
that other students get a lower grade by comparison); then he or she becomes an
outcast (Davie and Hare, 1956) .
After extensive surveys cf the literature seeking to identify leadership traits,
researchers are incrasingly coming to the weary conclusion that leadership does
not emerge from some combination of traits (Stogdill, 19483 1974) Rathelf, In
every instance, the relation of the trait to the leadership role 15' more meaningful
if commando“ is given to the detailed nature of the role (Gibb, 1954, p. 878).
Since traits of an effective leader are so closely related to the functions that that
person Mil perform, the most general rule would be to focus on what task needs
to be performed and to select those who are willing to perform that task and have
the skills to do so.
Yet the search goes on to somehow find the magical attributes that will transform
us into esteemed leaders (Hall and Williams, 1971). There are a variety of theories
about why the romantic conception of the leader with magic attributes persists.
Many find security in that idea. Because each of us continues to need security,
perhaps we carry with us from childhood an oversized image of the leader. Such
an assumption makes it more readily understandable that the leader, or the person
we conceptualize as the leader, should be larger, more intelligent, more cultured,
more impressive than we. The leader represents the symbol, the ink blots onto
which people project their desires for security, dependence, glamour, and power.
It perhaps makes more undersrandable the persistent search for leaders who will
arrive full-blown, without an abracadabra or seven-league boots, but who by their
presence can remove difficulties, overcome obstacles, and attain the goal. And yet
most of us realize that this is fantasy
An interesting new line of inquiry has begun during the past five years. It suggests
that although a small degree of a leader‘s success can be predicted from a trait
analysis, and even more can be predicted by considering past performance (grades,
test scores of achievement and aptitude), new variables that support the views of
Peter Senge and others are gaining prominence. These variables have to do with
the degree to which leaders (in this case, business leaders) appear open to learning
from the ideas of others or from personal feedback about their own performance.
The more open they are to such information, the greater their success as leaders.
Initial research by McCauley, Lombardo, and Morrison (1988) reflected in their
book The Lawns of anaefience support this thesis. Additional research appears to
lend credence to this view (McCauley, Lombard and Usher, 1989).
Furthermore, in what appears to be a healthy new direction, there is increasing
emphasis on helping leaders assess their own effectiveness and compare their
behavior patterns to those of leaders identified by their own peers as particularly
effective. Such an approach is bound to make leaders more conscious of their
impact on individuals and their own organizations (McCauley et al., 1989)
ทฤษฎีติดบางทีเก่าแก่ที่สุด และ ปี ทฤษฎีแห่งความเป็นผู้นำได้มีความเชื่อว่าผู้นำเกิดมา ไม่ทำ – คือ ว่า พวกเขาเป็น ge -netically กำหนด คำว่า "เธอเป็นผู้นำธรรมชาติ" ถ่ายทอดความรู้สึกที่มีเพิ่มขึ้นของแต่ละบุคคลโดยเฉพาะอำนาจและพระสิริเป็นหลีกเลี่ยงไม่ได้และไม่การศึกษาและการฝึกอบรมจะใช้ "nonleaders" การพบการเพิ่มขึ้น ดังนั้นเป็นส่วนหนึ่งของบุคลิกภาพ ลักษณะมุมมองทฤษฎีติด dif ที่ -ferentiates ที่ได้จากชุด อาจคาดหวัง มุมมองนี้เป็นแย้ง กำหนดหลักฐานการฝึกอบรมสามารถเป็นประโยชน์ในการพัฒนาผู้นำ ภาวะผู้นำเป็น เรื่องสำคัญของวิจัยสังคมศาสตร์ที่เกี่ยวกับเวลาของสงครามโลก ความรู้ของเราเพิ่มขึ้นของการทดสอบ และเครื่อง มือทางสถิติใหม่มีแรงผลักดันที่แข็งแกร่งเพื่อสะสมข้อมูล และกำหนดผู้นำลักษณะใดใช้ร่วมกันถ้าเหล่านี้ไม่สามารถระบุ ทีผู้แสดงเหล่านั้นอาจยังระบุ และสามารถเลือกผู้นำได้อย่างรวดเร็ว และมีประสิทธิภาพ ปกติขั้นตอนในการศึกษาภาวะผู้นำที่ได้รับการ เลือกคุณลักษณะบุคลิกภาพบางอย่างและสร้างความสัมพันธ์กับความสำเร็จหรือไม่สำเร็จในบางผู้นำ นัยในมากในการวิจัยในลักษณะบุคลิกภาพและภาวะผู้นำมีความเชื่อองค์ประกอบคุณภาพต่าง ๆ สำหรับผู้นำที่มีประสิทธิภาพสอดคล้องกันในคำอื่น ๆ คุณได้ หรือคุณไม่ ผู้นำอาจได้เกิดมาพร้อมกับลักษณะต่าง ๆ เหล่านี้ (ทฤษฎีหนึ่ง) หรืออาจได้รับพวกเขา (ทฤษฎีอื่น), แต่ในอีเอ็ม" C359 บุคคลมีลักษณะของความเป็นผู้นำ ปัญหาเท่านั้น มันดูเหมือน มีลักษณะนิสัยไม่ดียังรู้สึก และ unreliablyมันเป็นความคิดที่เป็นเราคัดสรรวิธีวัดบุคลิกภาพวัดลักษณะ เราจะสามารถกำหนดลักษณะใดเราจำเป็นต้องค้นหา หรือสอน ในที่นี้ทฤษฎีการ สามารถสร้างประสิทธิผลภาวะผู้นำเป็นเพียงรอบมุม ผลลัพธ์ของวิธีการนี้ อย่างไรก็ตาม แล้วย่อม การเรียงลำดับของผู้นำกับ uaits ผู้นำต่าง ๆ จากผู้ที่ไม่ได้ดำเนินแล้วฉาวไม่ ศึกษาช่วงหนึ่ง (นก 1940) อย่างกว้างขวางทบทวนงานวิจัยที่เกี่ยวข้องและรวบรวมรายชื่อของลักษณะที่ดูเหมือนจะแยกความแตกต่างของผู้นำจาก nonleadersในการศึกษาอย่าง น้อยหนึ่ง อย่างไรก็ตาม เพียงร้อยละ 5 แสดงลักษณะปรากฏในการศึกษา 4 หรือมากกว่า หลายลักษณะอื่น ๆ ที่แสดงปรากฏในครั้งเดียวเท่านั้นศึกษา มานน์ (1959) ทาน 125 ผู้ศึกษาหาความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างบุคลิกภาพและประสิทธิภาพการทำงานในกลุ่มเล็ก ๆ เขาค้นหาราคา 750findings เกี่ยวกับลักษณะนิสัย แต่ไม่มีลักษณะเป็นข้อสรุป เขาพบการขาดลักษณะที่สอดคล้องกันเป็นสำคัญสำหรับผู้นำ และ เพิ่มเติม พบว่า ลักษณะบางอย่างที่แสดงไว้เป็นสำคัญได้ตรงข้าม diametrically กับลักษณะสำคัญแสดงในการศึกษาอื่น ๆ นักวิจัยทำการค้นหานักวิทยาศาสตร์พฤติกรรม(if not the alchemisrs') gold, and with similar results. In studying discussion leaders,Outer (1978) found no statistically significant relationships among traits of dis-cussion leaders, student evaluations of them, and the grades received by studentsof discussion leaders. His conclusion: “Attention to personality traits . . . wouldhave been of limited value in the selection of discussion leaders" (p. 697). There is some evidence that leaders tend to be a bit taller, more intelligent, andmore enthusiastic and to have greater self-confidence and social participation thannonleaders (Berleson and Steiner, 1964; Smith and Cook, 1973; Sorrentino, 1973;Zigon and Cannon, 1974). However, it is impossible to predict and to use thisinformation in selecting and training leaders. For example, it has been repeatedlydemonstrated that the person who does most of the talking (greater social partic-ipation) becomes the leader, unlas he or she talks so much that he or she antag-onizes other group members (Sung, 1973). An intelligent student may be a leader,unless he or she gets all A‘s and is viewed as a “curve wrecker” (scores so highthat other students get a lower grade by comparison); then he or she becomes anoutcast (Davie and Hare, 1956) . After extensive surveys cf the literature seeking to identify leadership traits,researchers are incrasingly coming to the weary conclusion that leadership doesnot emerge from some combination of traits (Stogdill, 19483 1974) Rathelf, Inevery instance, the relation of the trait to the leadership role 15' more meaningfulif commando“ is given to the detailed nature of the role (Gibb, 1954, p. 878).Since traits of an effective leader are so closely related to the functions that thatperson Mil perform, the most general rule would be to focus on what task needsto be performed and to select those who are willing to perform that task and havethe skills to do so. Yet the search goes on to somehow find the magical attributes that will transformus into esteemed leaders (Hall and Williams, 1971). There are a variety of theoriesabout why the romantic conception of the leader with magic attributes persists.Many find security in that idea. Because each of us continues to need security,perhaps we carry with us from childhood an oversized image of the leader. Suchan assumption makes it more readily understandable that the leader, or the personwe conceptualize as the leader, should be larger, more intelligent, more cultured,more impressive than we. The leader represents the symbol, the ink blots ontowhich people project their desires for security, dependence, glamour, and power.It perhaps makes more undersrandable the persistent search for leaders who willarrive full-blown, without an abracadabra or seven-league boots, but who by theirpresence can remove difficulties, overcome obstacles, and attain the goal. And yetmost of us realize that this is fantasy An interesting new line of inquiry has begun during the past five years. It suggeststhat although a small degree of a leader‘s success can be predicted from a traitanalysis, and even more can be predicted by considering past performance (grades,test scores of achievement and aptitude), new variables that support the views ofPeter Senge and others are gaining prominence. These variables have to do withthe degree to which leaders (in this case, business leaders) appear open to learningfrom the ideas of others or from personal feedback about their own performance.The more open they are to such information, the greater their success as leaders.Initial research by McCauley, Lombardo, and Morrison (1988) reflected in theirbook The Lawns of anaefience support this thesis. Additional research appears tolend credence to this view (McCauley, Lombard and Usher, 1989). Furthermore, in what appears to be a healthy new direction, there is increasingemphasis on helping leaders assess their own effectiveness and compare theirbehavior patterns to those of leaders identified by their own peers as particularlyeffective. Such an approach is bound to make leaders more conscious of theirimpact on individuals and their own organizations (McCauley et al., 1989)
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