tended to obscure the varied trajectories of migrant women and men; i.e., family migrations are interpreted solely in the context of family reunification. For example, in the case of Bolivian migration to Argentina, the possibility of developing family-oriented economic activities (e.g., in horticulture and informal trade), as well as the ease of registering as a family, has resulted in a similar percentage of female and male migrants, indicating migration of a family nature. Bolivian
women play a stabilizing role in the settlement process; they connect the public and private spheres (Magliano 2013). For this reason, the separation of families of procreation and the phenomenon of long-distance motherhood are marginal in the context of migration to Argentina (Cerrutti 2009a). This finding contrasts sharply with the migration of the same origin to Spain, for which immigration control is much tighter and demand for female employment does not allow for a
balance with family life. Therefore, the separation of families is significantly more widespread and linked to global care chains. Indeed, in 2007 the minor children of nearly half of the migrant Bolivian mothers in Spain remained in Bolivia (Cerrutti & Maguid 2010). In the case of Paraguayan migration to Argentina, however, family norms and structures are different and women migrate at a young age in search of jobs. In this context, if they have children during the migration period, it is more likely that their children will remain in Paraguay in the care of other women and that long-distance connections will be developed (Cerrutti & Gaudio 2010, Gaudio 2014).