Over attention to hierarchical linkages has tended to obscure horizontal differentiation. Such a narrowly clientelist approach under- plays the emergence and significance of class differences. The pyramidal model implies that all members of society are linked in mutually beneficial relationships and that there is an absence of -conflict between different strata of society. Clearly there is both complementarity and conflict, and if we are to avoid swinging between different shades of determinism, we must meld perspectives on class with attention to the manipulation of personal relations. In other words, we must take an approach that stresses both structures and "strategies (Brummelhuis and Kemp 1984)
In the process of giving the concept of patron-clientage universal relevance, it has been rendered analytically sterile. First, it makes it impossible to distinguish patron-client relations from other social relations, and second, one is no longer able to identify specifically political relations between unequals, as afl asymmetrical relations are conceptualized as relations of patron-clientage. It has been argued that only a fairly circumscribed set of relations warrants the label of patron-client relationship' (Kemp 1982; 1984). Since by definition all relationships, excep!,those in a peer group, are hier archical in Thai society, to denote them all as patron-client relations is both imprecise and pointless. Constructively, Kemp recommends viewing social relations as on a continuum of personalism' (1984: 63) with intimate kinship relations at one end and relations of naked power at the other. The patron-client relation occupies ground mid way between these two extremes and is marked by the fact that its particularism "disguises or moderates the harsh facts of its objective inequalities' (ibid.: 65). Other analysts have seized on Kemp's critic isms; but notwithstanding this, there is still a good deal of confusion regarding what should and what should not be considered indicative of a patron-client relation. in this study, I reserve use of the term patron-client relation' to dyadic, multifaceted and asymmetrical relations where there is an evident ongoing personal and reciprocal element to the relationship. Patron-client relations of this kind have become scarcer as capital rather than followers has become the primary source of power, and, conversely, as the majority of rural people rely on the market to sustain a livelihood rather than on other people who have more resources
ผ่านการเชื่อมโยงลำดับชั้นมีแนวโน้มที่จะ บดบังความแตกต่างแนวนอน ดังกล่าวหวุดหวิด clientelist วิธีภายใต้เล่นเกิดและความสำคัญของความแตกต่างระดับ แบบเสี้ยมหมายความว่า สมาชิกของสังคมทั้งหมดเชื่อมโยงในความสัมพันธ์ประโยชน์ร่วมกัน และว่ามีการขาดงานของ - ความขัดแย้งระหว่างชั้นต่าง ๆ ของสังคม ชัดเจนมีทั้งเขาและความขัดแย้ง และถ้าหากเราจะหลีกเลี่ยงการแกว่งระหว่างเฉดต่าง ๆ ของชะตา เราต้องผสมผสานมุมมองบนชั้นด้วยความใส่ใจในการจัดการความสัมพันธ์ส่วนบุคคล ในคำอื่น ๆ เราต้องใช้วิธีการที่ "กลยุทธ์ (Brummelhuis และนา 1984) และโครงสร้าง In the process of giving the concept of patron-clientage universal relevance, it has been rendered analytically sterile. First, it makes it impossible to distinguish patron-client relations from other social relations, and second, one is no longer able to identify specifically political relations between unequals, as afl asymmetrical relations are conceptualized as relations of patron-clientage. It has been argued that only a fairly circumscribed set of relations warrants the label of patron-client relationship' (Kemp 1982; 1984). Since by definition all relationships, excep!,those in a peer group, are hier archical in Thai society, to denote them all as patron-client relations is both imprecise and pointless. Constructively, Kemp recommends viewing social relations as on a continuum of personalism' (1984: 63) with intimate kinship relations at one end and relations of naked power at the other. The patron-client relation occupies ground mid way between these two extremes and is marked by the fact that its particularism "disguises or moderates the harsh facts of its objective inequalities' (ibid.: 65). Other analysts have seized on Kemp's critic isms; but notwithstanding this, there is still a good deal of confusion regarding what should and what should not be considered indicative of a patron-client relation. in this study, I reserve use of the term patron-client relation' to dyadic, multifaceted and asymmetrical relations where there is an evident ongoing personal and reciprocal element to the relationship. Patron-client relations of this kind have become scarcer as capital rather than followers has become the primary source of power, and, conversely, as the majority of rural people rely on the market to sustain a livelihood rather than on other people who have more resources
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