CONCLUSIONS over the past twenty years urban areas in mainland Southeast Asia have been subjected to successive rounds of change. First came change as a result of the adoption of the market economy. Second came regional cooperation, and later economic corridors that explicitly combine economic liberalization, cooperation, and notions of economic space. The fourth wave is increasing economic cooperation with the PRC through economic and transport corridors, CAFTA, and more general economic interaction between the two areas .
Regional economic cooperation has had an impact on the urban landscape of Southeast Asia since at least as early as colonial times. Trade- facilitarion - focaused regional cooperation, rather than the trade liberalizarion type exemplified by ASEAN and CEPT is shaping the urban landscape in mainland Southeast Asia by lowering transaction costs and reducing risk and uncertainty. Growth triangles and economic corridors, which were introduced in the early and latter part of the nineties respectively, will, through their tight relationship between trade and investment on one side, and geography and location on the other ,shape urban landscapes. other, The full impacts of these forces will be felt after 2015 when the GMs is fully connected by corridors and CAFTA provisions apply to all ASEAN countries, including the four mainland Southeast Asian countries that are currently exempt.
The urban landscape will change,leading to a de facto decentralization of urban activities although urban centres will not gain eqyally. urban landscape will change, leading to equally. urban centres located in the Jinghong - chiang Rai subcorridor and And the "two corridors, one belt" region between the PRC and Vietnam are likely to benefit the most ,as is the eastern part of the EWEC. Further development as is likely, given the "China factor", Thailand's storng interest in acting as a hub for the region, and continued expansion of SEZs. The emerging urban landscape, while not preventing further significant increases in the sizes of primate and megacities, will nonetheless create a more balanced pattern of human settlement and diffuse economic development more evenly within countries.
Challenges, however, exist and include tensions relating to negative externalities, perceived or real extraterritoriality rights, migrant labour issues, and the lack of appropriate institutions to sustain regional will be in promoting local local level capacity of small to medium-sized urban settlements and their private sectors to tap market opportunities successfully and harness the challenges unleashed by regional economic cooperation. ASEAN can play a multifaceted role in the urban evolution of mainland Southeast Asia. The most obvious role is that of accelerating regional cooperation through both trade facilitation and trade liberalization.
The further pursuit of regional integration and connectivity should include addressing proactively the linkages from regional integration on the one hand and urban issues, including changes in settlement patterns, on the other. The Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity that was adopted at the 17th ASEAN Summit in October 2010 covers much ground and is useful in drawing attention to seven key strategies needed to enhance physical connectivity, as well as the need to find the financing for these strategies and projects. ASEAN may play a leading role in three key areas: (i) generation and dissemination of relevant knowledge and ideas particularly between policymakers and academics; (ii) development of sister cities such as border towns or cities that share common issues, for example, cooperation between Mawlamyine. Dawei, Ranong, and Penang which face the Indian Ocean and have links with one another and (iii) mobilization of the very large amount of financial resources that will be required for urban development in the region
Notes changes that took place in This chapter was completed before the rapid political Myanmar in late 2011 urbanization should note that urban A complete study of Southeast Asian
CONCLUSIONS over the past twenty years urban areas in mainland Southeast Asia have been subjected to successive rounds of change. First came change as a result of the adoption of the market economy. Second came regional cooperation, and later economic corridors that explicitly combine economic liberalization, cooperation, and notions of economic space. The fourth wave is increasing economic cooperation with the PRC through economic and transport corridors, CAFTA, and more general economic interaction between the two areas .
Regional economic cooperation has had an impact on the urban landscape of Southeast Asia since at least as early as colonial times. Trade- facilitarion - focaused regional cooperation, rather than the trade liberalizarion type exemplified by ASEAN and CEPT is shaping the urban landscape in mainland Southeast Asia by lowering transaction costs and reducing risk and uncertainty. Growth triangles and economic corridors, which were introduced in the early and latter part of the nineties respectively, will, through their tight relationship between trade and investment on one side, and geography and location on the other ,shape urban landscapes. other, The full impacts of these forces will be felt after 2015 when the GMs is fully connected by corridors and CAFTA provisions apply to all ASEAN countries, including the four mainland Southeast Asian countries that are currently exempt.
The urban landscape will change,leading to a de facto decentralization of urban activities although urban centres will not gain eqyally. urban landscape will change, leading to equally. urban centres located in the Jinghong - chiang Rai subcorridor and And the "two corridors, one belt" region between the PRC and Vietnam are likely to benefit the most ,as is the eastern part of the EWEC. Further development as is likely, given the "China factor", Thailand's storng interest in acting as a hub for the region, and continued expansion of SEZs. The emerging urban landscape, while not preventing further significant increases in the sizes of primate and megacities, will nonetheless create a more balanced pattern of human settlement and diffuse economic development more evenly within countries.
Challenges, however, exist and include tensions relating to negative externalities, perceived or real extraterritoriality rights, migrant labour issues, and the lack of appropriate institutions to sustain regional will be in promoting local local level capacity of small to medium-sized urban settlements and their private sectors to tap market opportunities successfully and harness the challenges unleashed by regional economic cooperation. ASEAN can play a multifaceted role in the urban evolution of mainland Southeast Asia. The most obvious role is that of accelerating regional cooperation through both trade facilitation and trade liberalization.
The further pursuit of regional integration and connectivity should include addressing proactively the linkages from regional integration on the one hand and urban issues, including changes in settlement patterns, on the other. The Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity that was adopted at the 17th ASEAN Summit in October 2010 covers much ground and is useful in drawing attention to seven key strategies needed to enhance physical connectivity, as well as the need to find the financing for these strategies and projects. ASEAN may play a leading role in three key areas: (i) generation and dissemination of relevant knowledge and ideas particularly between policymakers and academics; (ii) development of sister cities such as border towns or cities that share common issues, for example, cooperation between Mawlamyine. Dawei, Ranong, and Penang which face the Indian Ocean and have links with one another and (iii) mobilization of the very large amount of financial resources that will be required for urban development in the region
Notes changes that took place in This chapter was completed before the rapid political Myanmar in late 2011 urbanization should note that urban A complete study of Southeast Asian
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