criticism (e.g., Schudson 1979). Moreover, his arguments are not always borne out by empirical data. There are also some theoretical ambiguities in his model of the tourist. The first concerns the level of analysis. Given that it is avowedly structural, it seems to suggest that all tourists are personally impelled by a quest for authenticity predicated on the late modern situation (Cohen-1-979a). The second relates .to the status of attractions in a modern world which has expanded also to include ("museumize" in his terminology) pre-modern features. Here, MacCannell does not seem to resolve the basic problem of demarcating the Center, since it is unclear whether the vast range of cited attractions collectively represents the structured Center of society or its unstructured opposite — the Other. Finally, as Schudson (1979) notes, such natural attractions as deserts, beaches, and jungles have entirely escaped MacCannell's attention.
These reservations apart, there is certainly no doubting the tremendous impact of MacCannell's work, since he, more than any other sociologist, has placed the problem of tourism squarely into the mainstream of the sociological study of modernity. In this sense, he has acted as a springboard for others. His insights have engendered a variety of theoretical contributions, such as Cohen's (1979a, 1979b) attempt to differentiate types of touristic experience and tourist spaces, and Pearce's (1982) further development of the latter. Most importantly, MacCannell's offerings have helped in a general way to reorient the study of tourism by encouraging others to take tourists' aspirations and conduct seriously (Cohen 1988a).
criticism (e.g., Schudson 1979). Moreover, his arguments are not always borne out by empirical data. There are also some theoretical ambiguities in his model of the tourist. The first concerns the level of analysis. Given that it is avowedly structural, it seems to suggest that all tourists are personally impelled by a quest for authenticity predicated on the late modern situation (Cohen-1-979a). The second relates .to the status of attractions in a modern world which has expanded also to include ("museumize" in his terminology) pre-modern features. Here, MacCannell does not seem to resolve the basic problem of demarcating the Center, since it is unclear whether the vast range of cited attractions collectively represents the structured Center of society or its unstructured opposite — the Other. Finally, as Schudson (1979) notes, such natural attractions as deserts, beaches, and jungles have entirely escaped MacCannell's attention.
These reservations apart, there is certainly no doubting the tremendous impact of MacCannell's work, since he, more than any other sociologist, has placed the problem of tourism squarely into the mainstream of the sociological study of modernity. In this sense, he has acted as a springboard for others. His insights have engendered a variety of theoretical contributions, such as Cohen's (1979a, 1979b) attempt to differentiate types of touristic experience and tourist spaces, and Pearce's (1982) further development of the latter. Most importantly, MacCannell's offerings have helped in a general way to reorient the study of tourism by encouraging others to take tourists' aspirations and conduct seriously (Cohen 1988a).
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