Globalisation clearly signaled the end of ‘business as usual’ by the labour movement and
it has generated a whole range of innovative responses as well as a steadily increasing flow of
critical analysis (see Munck 2002; Harrod and O’Brien 2002; Silver 2003; Phelan 2006;
Broffenbrenner 2007; Stevis and Boswell 2008; Webster, Lambert and Bezuidenhout 2008;
Bieler, Lindberg and Pillay 2008; and Huws 2008). This flourishing of innovation has been seen
at the local, national, regional and global levels. Sometimes the turn has been pragmatic and
sometimes advances have been only partial, which we would expect from an uneven development
perspective. However, we could now in the main agree that globalisation has opened up as many
doors as it has closed for labour. We must also realise that labour responses at the global level are
not in a zero-sum relationship with other national or local responses. There is no ‘one best way’
(as Taylorism claimed to be) for labour responses to globalization, where flexibility is the only
given. The Dutch trade unions have argued persuasively for the type of ‘innovative trade union
strategies’ needed today to contest neo-liberal globalisation: ‘it will involve organising new groups
hitherto under-represented in the movement, local and transnational actions, a clear orientation
towards social justice and coalitions with community groups and, last but not least, a vigorous
engagement in the battle of ideas in terms of a vision for an alternative social order’ (Kloosterboer
2007: 2-13). Of course, implementing this vision in practice is not so simple; it requires ‘buy in’
and a change of mind sets at all levels of the workers movement.