Children acquiring a language will observe people around them using the language , and the set of
expressions in the language which the child hears ( and the contexts in which they are used ) in the course of acquiring the language constitute the child's linguistic experience of the language. This experience serves as input to the child's language faculty, which provides the child with a set of procedures for analysing the experience in such a way as to devise a grammar of the language being acquired. Chomsky's hypothesis that the course of language acquisition is determined by an innate language faculty is known popularly as the innateness hypothesis .
invocation of an innate language faculty becoming available to the child only at some genetically determined point may constitute a plausible approach to the questions of uniformity
and rapidity , but there is an additional observation which suggests that some version of the innateness hypothesis must be correct . This is that knowledge of a language represented by an adult grammar appears to go beyond anything supplied by the child's linguistic experience A simple demonstration of this is provided by the fact that adult native speakers are not only capable of combining words and phrases in acceptable ways but also of recognising unacceptable combinations ( see 5b above and exercise 1 ). the interesting question this raises is : where does this ability come from ? An obvious answer to this question is : that the child 's linguistic experience provides information on unacceptable combinations of words and phrases. But this is incorrect. why do we assert this with such confidence ?
obviously when people speak, they do make mistakes (although research has shown that language addressed to children is almost completely free of such mistakes) . However when this happens there is no clear signal to the child indicating that an adult utterance contains a mistake , that is , as far as the child is
Children acquiring a language will observe people around them using the language , and the set of
expressions in the language which the child hears ( and the contexts in which they are used ) in the course of acquiring the language constitute the child's linguistic experience of the language. This experience serves as input to the child's language faculty, which provides the child with a set of procedures for analysing the experience in such a way as to devise a grammar of the language being acquired. Chomsky's hypothesis that the course of language acquisition is determined by an innate language faculty is known popularly as the innateness hypothesis .
invocation of an innate language faculty becoming available to the child only at some genetically determined point may constitute a plausible approach to the questions of uniformity
and rapidity , but there is an additional observation which suggests that some version of the innateness hypothesis must be correct . This is that knowledge of a language represented by an adult grammar appears to go beyond anything supplied by the child's linguistic experience A simple demonstration of this is provided by the fact that adult native speakers are not only capable of combining words and phrases in acceptable ways but also of recognising unacceptable combinations ( see 5b above and exercise 1 ). the interesting question this raises is : where does this ability come from ? An obvious answer to this question is : that the child 's linguistic experience provides information on unacceptable combinations of words and phrases. But this is incorrect. why do we assert this with such confidence ?
obviously when people speak, they do make mistakes (although research has shown that language addressed to children is almost completely free of such mistakes) . However when this happens there is no clear signal to the child indicating that an adult utterance contains a mistake , that is , as far as the child is
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