only is one hard put to imagine how an area could pass the stage of "discovery," for example, after that of "institutionalization;" it is also obvious that Noronha proposes a genexaLmodel of unilinear-dpialution. Though he admits that exceptions may these do not suggest alternative general models. It is tfiTs assumption of unilineirity which to this author seems problematic: insofar as a researcher encounters a system which does not develop in the expected direction, he tends to consider it an exception. Thus, Noronha, for example, notices that "..when developing nations have adopted tourism as a strategy of economic development there are often instances when tourism development commences at stage III, or by-passes stage II"
tourist destination has been introduced into the area: the tourist system can
grow organically from within the area, or can be induced from the outside (Cohen 1972:180). Systems which have grown organically, tend to develop in the direction proposed by Noronha. Systems which have been induced from the outside probably manifest different dynamics: it is the initial stage in which the tourist facilities are most comprehensively institutionalized. In this stage a wide gap still separates the tourists from their unaccustomed hosts. The tourist facilities are managed by outsiders with the locals having very little or no say in tourist affairs. This is particularly the case in areas where a wide social, cultural and economic gap separates the hosts from the tourists. Some South Pacific islands (e.g. Guam, Tonga or Tahiti) and some islands in the Carribean can be used as the most biantant examples of the initial stages of induced tourism. There are indication that an induced tourist system undergoes a dynamics which is in some respects the opposite from the one characteristic of organically growing systems: it becomes at least partly "de-institutionalized." Whereas in organically growing systems, the center of control of the tourist industry moves away from the host area towards ever farther and farther removed centres (Forster 1964:Greenwood 1972), an induced tourist system reveals the reverse tendency. As the local population and the government of the host country become
increasingly aware of the economic, social and political importance of tourism, they attempt to take over the control of the industry or at least to play a more active part in it, as was the case, for example, in Fiji. Moreover, as the local population becomes more familiar with tourism and its opportunities, new initiatives start to spring up around the tourist establishments. Hence, a situation develops which in areas of organic growth of tourist systems characterizes an early phase of touristic development. Human relationships may undergo a similarly reversed process. At the early stage of induced tourism, there is often a stark socio-cultural gap between tourists and the hosts:hosts, being unprepared for the onslaught of large numbers of foreigners, are unable to perform any but the most manual jobs in the tourist system. The lack of
knowledge of foreign languages and lack of familiarity with the tourists' customs, as well as the general shyness characteristic of long-insulated populations, precludes any meaningful social exchange between the tourists and the hosts. This too may change with time. As more members of the native population become involved with the tourist system and perform more active roles in it, and as some of them acquire some skills in the foreign language and learn how to deal with foreigners, more personal contacts may develop. All this, however, is yet a hypothesis. Only systematic research on the