study by Moscardo and Pearce (1986) provides some empirical evi-
dence on this point. They have studied visitors perceptions of Austral-
ian historic theme parks. Since such parks "preserve or restore some aspects of a nation's or a region's heritage" (1986:471), they are almost by definittn not "authentic" in MacCanifell's sense. However, the vis. tors generally did perceive them as "authentic"— in the sense of being accurate reconstructions of Australia's past (1986:474-6), rather than genuine historical remains. Contrary to the authors' claim (1986:472), park operators and some tourists appear thus to be using the word "authenticity" differently from social scientists. However, the point of . this argument is that by accepting a particular trait of the site, namely "verissimilitude," as authenticating the site as a whole, the tourists become neither superficial fools satisfied with the spurious, in Boor-
stin's (1964) sense, nor victims of a prevaricating touristic establish-
ment which "stages" authenticity in MacCannell's (1973) sense.
Recreational tourists, whose concern with authenticity is relatively low, may well accept even a substantially staged product and experience as "authentic." This would not be necessarily because they have been misled by the staging, but because even the faintest vestige of, or resem-
blance to what experts would consider an "authentic" trait of the prod-
uct, may suffice for them to play the make-believe game of having an "authentic" experience. Therefore, such tourists may playfully consent to buy fake products or experiences as if they were genuine, merely because their resemblance to the genuine thing gives these tourists an inkling of authenticity. The recreation which Gottlieb's (1982) tourists derive from being a "King for a Day" or a "Peasant for a Day," one may argue, derives from their feeling "how it must have been to be a king (or a peasant)"; even though they are perfectly aware of the fact that their own, purchased experience has been staged for their benefit.
Finally, diversionary tourists may enjoy touristic products even if these are, in their own view, completely contrived, insofar as they appeal to them merely as "funny," "cute," or "lovely." A good example of such a product is a pair of embracing monkeys with sun-glasses, made of coconut shells, which are sold in touristic destinations all over southern Thailand, but are totally unrelated to any aspect of local Thai culture, except perhaps that monkeys serve as coconut-pickers in that part of Thailand.
Emergent Authenticity
Since authenticity is not a primitive given, but negotiable, one has to allow for the possibility of its gradual emergence in the eyes of visitors to the host culture. In other words, a cultural product, or a trait thereof, which is at one point generally judged as contrived or inauthentic may, in the course of time, become generally recognized as authentic, even by experts, as Cornet's (1975:54) equivocation quoted above demon-
strates. Thus, for example, an apparently contrived, tourist-oriented festival (such as the Inti Raymi festival in Cuzco, a "revival" of an ancient Incaic custom) may in due time become accepted as an "au-
thentic" local custom. Similarly, craft products initially produced mere-
ly for sale to visitors and tourists, may eventually become "authentic"
study by Moscardo and Pearce (1986) provides some empirical evi-
dence on this point. They have studied visitors perceptions of Austral-
ian historic theme parks. Since such parks "preserve or restore some aspects of a nation's or a region's heritage" (1986:471), they are almost by definittn not "authentic" in MacCanifell's sense. However, the vis. tors generally did perceive them as "authentic"— in the sense of being accurate reconstructions of Australia's past (1986:474-6), rather than genuine historical remains. Contrary to the authors' claim (1986:472), park operators and some tourists appear thus to be using the word "authenticity" differently from social scientists. However, the point of . this argument is that by accepting a particular trait of the site, namely "verissimilitude," as authenticating the site as a whole, the tourists become neither superficial fools satisfied with the spurious, in Boor-
stin's (1964) sense, nor victims of a prevaricating touristic establish-
ment which "stages" authenticity in MacCannell's (1973) sense.
Recreational tourists, whose concern with authenticity is relatively low, may well accept even a substantially staged product and experience as "authentic." This would not be necessarily because they have been misled by the staging, but because even the faintest vestige of, or resem-
blance to what experts would consider an "authentic" trait of the prod-
uct, may suffice for them to play the make-believe game of having an "authentic" experience. Therefore, such tourists may playfully consent to buy fake products or experiences as if they were genuine, merely because their resemblance to the genuine thing gives these tourists an inkling of authenticity. The recreation which Gottlieb's (1982) tourists derive from being a "King for a Day" or a "Peasant for a Day," one may argue, derives from their feeling "how it must have been to be a king (or a peasant)"; even though they are perfectly aware of the fact that their own, purchased experience has been staged for their benefit.
Finally, diversionary tourists may enjoy touristic products even if these are, in their own view, completely contrived, insofar as they appeal to them merely as "funny," "cute," or "lovely." A good example of such a product is a pair of embracing monkeys with sun-glasses, made of coconut shells, which are sold in touristic destinations all over southern Thailand, but are totally unrelated to any aspect of local Thai culture, except perhaps that monkeys serve as coconut-pickers in that part of Thailand.
Emergent Authenticity
Since authenticity is not a primitive given, but negotiable, one has to allow for the possibility of its gradual emergence in the eyes of visitors to the host culture. In other words, a cultural product, or a trait thereof, which is at one point generally judged as contrived or inauthentic may, in the course of time, become generally recognized as authentic, even by experts, as Cornet's (1975:54) equivocation quoted above demon-
strates. Thus, for example, an apparently contrived, tourist-oriented festival (such as the Inti Raymi festival in Cuzco, a "revival" of an ancient Incaic custom) may in due time become accepted as an "au-
thentic" local custom. Similarly, craft products initially produced mere-
ly for sale to visitors and tourists, may eventually become "authentic"
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