A social constructivist perspective implies a shift from focusing on
transnational communities to transnational practices in order to avoid essentialised conceptions of migrant groups as being, for example, inherently national or transnational. In his interrogation of diaspora, Paerregaard focuses on the political constitution of diaspora using the case of Peruvian migration and efforts to establish diasporas in the United States, Argentina and Spain. His is an inquiry into the question of how diasporic political mobilisation and solidarity are created and maintained and thus how the boundaries of diaspora are constructed or constituted. Paerregaard integrates elements of older, more traditional definitions emphasising communal autonomy and a distinctive collective identity with more recent research on transnational ties, which highlights sustained cross-border mobility and continuous exchange of ideas and goods as a defining criterion (see also Bruneau). Both aspects are summed up succinctly in Clifford’s (1994a) metaphor of ‘roots and routes’. Using Clifford’s metaphor, Paerregaard takes care to look at both bilateral ties between emigration and immigration states and lateral ties between groups in immigration countries. Within this conceptual apparatus, he focuses on the ‘negotiation of diaspora’ in the three fields – politics, solidarity and social class. He identifies members and groups of the Peruvian upper classes as the main movers and mobilisers of the Peruvian diaspora. This finding opens up diaspora studies for interesting comparisons with the role of key groups in nineteenthand twentieth-century nationalism when intellectuals prepared the way for the legitimation of nationalist ideologies (e.g. Greenfield 1992). The implication is that we should avoid peremptorily attributing a single shared or dominant identity to all members of a group. In political practices, identities must be constructed discursively and mobilised by elites to become salient for larger groups of persons.
A social constructivist perspective implies a shift from focusing on
transnational communities to transnational practices in order to avoid essentialised conceptions of migrant groups as being, for example, inherently national or transnational. In his interrogation of diaspora, Paerregaard focuses on the political constitution of diaspora using the case of Peruvian migration and efforts to establish diasporas in the United States, Argentina and Spain. His is an inquiry into the question of how diasporic political mobilisation and solidarity are created and maintained and thus how the boundaries of diaspora are constructed or constituted. Paerregaard integrates elements of older, more traditional definitions emphasising communal autonomy and a distinctive collective identity with more recent research on transnational ties, which highlights sustained cross-border mobility and continuous exchange of ideas and goods as a defining criterion (see also Bruneau). Both aspects are summed up succinctly in Clifford’s (1994a) metaphor of ‘roots and routes’. Using Clifford’s metaphor, Paerregaard takes care to look at both bilateral ties between emigration and immigration states and lateral ties between groups in immigration countries. Within this conceptual apparatus, he focuses on the ‘negotiation of diaspora’ in the three fields – politics, solidarity and social class. He identifies members and groups of the Peruvian upper classes as the main movers and mobilisers of the Peruvian diaspora. This finding opens up diaspora studies for interesting comparisons with the role of key groups in nineteenthand twentieth-century nationalism when intellectuals prepared the way for the legitimation of nationalist ideologies (e.g. Greenfield 1992). The implication is that we should avoid peremptorily attributing a single shared or dominant identity to all members of a group. In political practices, identities must be constructed discursively and mobilised by elites to become salient for larger groups of persons.
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