disability. Negative cognitions abo

disability. Negative cognitions about the
disability may represent risk factors for
families.
There are many ways in which parents can
reframe the disability experience into a
positive one. In qualitative studies, parents
have reported that their child’s disability has
given them an increased sense of purpose
(Stainton & Besser, 1998); personal growth
(Scorgie & Sobsey, 2000; Stainton & Besser,
1998); improved relationships and social
networks (Scorgie & Sobsey, 2000; Stainton
& Besser;, 1998 Taunt & Hastings, 2002);
increased spirituality (Stainton & Besser,
1998; Taunt & Hastings, 2002); increased
tolerance and sensitivity (Scorgie & Sobsey,
2000; Taunt & Hastings, 2002); and a more
positive future outlook (King, Zwaigenbaum,
King, Baxter, Rosenbaum, & Bates, 2006). A
positive outlook on childhood disability
correlates with decreased feelings of stress
and burden (Ylven, Bjorck-Akesson, &
Granlund, 2006). Assisting families in finding
a positive meaning to their child’s disability
may prove to be an important intervention in
alleviating parent stress. However, further
research is needed to understand what types
of positive appraisals are the strongest
predictors of positive coping and how the
stress affects parents’ behaviors or relationship
behaviors such as the frequency of positive
reinforcement used.
Mother/father differences
Research suggests that mothers and
fathers may experience different impacts of
childhood disability and have different needs
related to coping with the disability. In
comparison to fathers, mothers of children
with disabilities have been found to exhibit
increased symptoms of depression (Hastings
et al., 2005; Olsson & Hwang, 2001), increased
caregiver burden (Heller et al.,1997) and
increased stress (Dellve, Samuelsson,
Tallborn, Fasth, & Hallberg, 2006; Herring,
Gray, Taffe, Tonge, Sweeney, & Einfeld,
2006). Looking comparatively at motherfather
differences in families of children with
and without developmental disabilities (DD),
Oelofsen and Richardson (2006) found that
mothers with children with DD experienced
increased stress, weaker sense of coherence,
and poorer health than their husbands while
the comparison group (with children without
DD) experienced no mother-father differences.
Conversely, one study reported that mothers
have more positive perceptions of care giving
than fathers (Hastings, et al., 2005). However,
smaller studies of approximately 30-40
mother/father pairs did not find significant
differences on measures of stress (Dyson,
1997; Keller & Honig, 2004; McCarthy,
Cuskelly, van Kraayenord, & Cohen, 2006),
family support (Dyson, 1997; McCarthy, et.
Al., 2006), family harmony (measured with
the Family Environment Scale) (Keller &
Honig, 2004), marital adjustment (McCarthy,
et. Al, 2006), or family quality of life (Wang,
Summers, Little, Turnbull, Poston, & Mannan,
2006). The lack of significant findings in
smaller studies suggests that differences
between mothers and fathers may be small.
Mothers and fathers may also differ in
what contributes to their stress. Keller and
Honig (2004) found that for fathers, acceptance
of the child with the disability and family
harmony reduced stress. While mothers were
also affected by family harmony, lower socioeconomic
status and greater care demands
predicted stress. These differences may
represent important differences in the way
practitioners should intervene with mothers
versus fathers. Further research is needed to
better understand what contributes to maternal
and paternal stress.
While most of the stress and burden
research focuses on parental mental health,
the economic burden of raising a child with
DD has also been examined. This economic
burden has a particular impact on mothers.
Comparative studies of parents with and